For me, British means ‘mainly English' ... The Union Jack
is not my flag. Bulldogs, the last night of the proms with ‘Pomp
and Circumstance' and all that sort of thing are English and mean
nothing to me ... I am never British, always Scottish. (Katrina
Dunbar, student) 1
Q: Why are the Scots the most balanced race in the world?
A: Because they have a chip on each shoulder. (Traditional joke)
The notion of ‘Scottishness' has been the
subject of debate for centuries, none more so than amongst Scottish
people themselves. In this dissertation I will attempt to uncover
exactly how Scottish national identity, or ‘Scottishness',
may be defined at present, and in particular what effects contemporary
global society is having on Scotland's national identity. On the
journey towards this I will take in many diverse aspects of Scottish
culture, including politics, religion and football. I will consider
some traditional theories of national identity and nationalism,
as well as more recent sociological explanations specifically related
to Scotland. In conclusion I shall consider how Scottish national
identity is currently developing in two opposite, yet not contradictory,
directions; one towards self-determination and independence; the
other towards a more pan-European identity. Obviously, any examination
of Scottish nationalism must include the Scottish National Party
(SNP), the advent of devolution and the forthcoming Scottish Assembly,
but as this dissertation is taking a wider cultural view, beyond
conventional politics, I will avoid focusing too heavily on the
purely parliamentary aspects of Scottish identity.
There are two major aims of this dissertation, the
first of which is to illustrate the pluralism of separate conflicting
identities within Scottish society, and to show how it has been
possible to reconcile these conflicting identities into a national
identity. The second aim is to discuss how the contemporary global
era has affected this national identity. In order to achieve these
aims, this dissertation will be divided into four sections, inclusive
of this introduction. Section two will be concerned with the ‘different'
Scotlands that exist, or at least the differing perspectives of
it's identity. In this section various binary opposites will be
discussed, as I feel an understanding of the fractured microstructure
of Scotland is essential to understand the apparently culturally
consistent macrostructure. I will also use these opposites to illustrate
the pluralism of identities in Scotland. The third section will
focus primarily on the different manifestations and mechanisms of
Scottish national identity. In this section I shall consider the
importance of the SNP, as well as the more fundamentalist nationalists,
and in particular, the impact of European and global influences
upon these groups. Section four will constitute the conclusion,
and this will draw in examples and evidence from the rest of the
dissertation to support the view that both conflicting and complimentary
identities within Scotland have led to a pluralistic notion of Scottish
national identity, and how global influences have resulted in a
changing perspective regarding nationalism and supra-nationalism.
Before embarking upon any further discussion, it
is necessary to clearly define the terms of this dissertation. ‘Pluralism'
is often associated with American social scientists, and refers
to a ‘plurality' of groups, as opposed to singularity. Traditionally
used to analyse interest groups, the definition has been extended,
enabling a wider application of the theory. Kliot and Waterman arrive
at the definition of pluralism as
a state of society in which members of diverse
ethnic, racial, religious or social groups maintain an autonomous
participation in and development of their traditional culture
or special interest within the confines of a common civilisation.
2
It is clear that my discussion on the plurality
of identities takes place within the confines of Scotland as a ‘common
civilisation'. I shall ignore the ‘elite' theories of American
origin, stating the precedence of some groups over others, as I
feel this is of little significance in this context. In section
two, I shall put forward the argument that Scottish national identity
is in fact formed by the plurality of its internal and sometimes
conflicting identities. 3
The ‘contemporary global era' of the title
is a conscious effort to avoid any time-consuming debate on the
state of modernity, or even post-modernity. Rather, the assumption
I shall subscribe to is that over recent decades advances in technology
and communications, as well as international relations, have resulted
in a ‘global era'. The effects of this global era on Scotland
will be discussed in section three, and returned to in the concluding
section, where I shall consider how national identity is being polarised
in both national and supra-national directions.
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References: (see the full
references & endnotes and bibliography)
1. Interviewed in The Independent by J. Landale,
20 May 1992.
2. N. Kliot & S. Waterman, 1983, Pluralism and
Political Geography, Croom Helm, London, p1.
3. The opposing view, that pluralism is in fact
a product of nationalism, is advanced by C. Young, 1976, The Politics
of Cultural Pluralism, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, pp23-24.
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