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National
identity and nationalism
As stated from the outset, this dissertation is
taking a wide, cultural view of identity rather than concentrating
merely on the political. Anthony Smith observes the difference between
nationalism and national identity,
It is necessary to distinguish the ideological
movement of nationalism from the wider phenomenon of national
identity, we cannot begin to understand the power and appeal of
nationalism as a political force without grounding our analysis
in a wider perspective whose focus is national identity treated
as a collective phenomenon. 4
It is this ‘collective cultural phenomenon'
of national identity that I am primarily concerned with, although
I shall return to the question of nationalism below, and again in
section three. Smith identifies five defining features of national
identity: a homeland, common myths and history, a public culture,
common legal rights, and a common economy; and then extends this
definition to stipulate what constitutes an actual nation 5.
It is easy to define Scotland as a ‘nation' as such, as she
fulfils most of these criteria, particularly in view of the fact
that Scotland had preserved most religious, cultural and legal institutions
6. Many other theorists also
emphasise the importance of myth and history in the forming of a
‘nation' 7. Hobsbawm
and Ranger 8 speak of the ‘invention
of tradition' in order to maintain national unity, and this view
is summed up by Sam Ashman of Socialist Worker,
Nations, we are constantly told, are both ancient
and natural creations. In fact they are both relatively modern
and constructed. It took a process of invention to build up the
‘national identities' we are familiar with today. 9
Invented or not, it is a fact of contemporary global
society that national identity does exist, at least within the minds
of many people. Indeed, the whole concept of ‘identity' is
very much a subjective issue, dependent on individual self-perception
10. It is this self-perception
that enables identities to become conflicting, not only between
different groups of people, but also within individuals.
Having defined ‘national identity', how then
does it differ from ‘nationalism'? Smith sees nationalism
as the political expression of national identity,
nationalism is primarily a cultural doctrine or,
more accurately, a political ideology with a cultural doctrine
at its centre. 11
This suggests that nationalism is actually a political
mechanism through which a particular national identity is manifested.
It is generally agreed by theorists that nationalism is a relatively
recent phenomenon, Kedourie believes it to be ‘a product of
European thought in the last 150 years' 12,
whilst Goodwin suggests
It seems that the demise of the monarchical principle
in Europe paved the way for nationalism based on linguistic identity.
13
This notion of linguistic identity as an important
factor of nationalism is central to Ernest Gellner's theory of nationalism,
but it is important to state that this does not apply to Scotland,
even by Gellner's own admission,
Scottish nationalism indisputably exists. (It
may indeed be held to contradict my model). It ignores language
(which would condemn some Scots to Irish nationalism, and the
rest to English nationalism), invoking instead a shared historical
experience. 14
Another unusual aspect of Scottish nationalism is
its ‘belatedness', ‘Between 1800 and 1870... there simply
was no Scottish nationalist movement of the usual sort.' 15
Although more fundamentalist nationalists may challenge this 16,
it is undeniable that Scottish nationalism was peculiarly absent
during the major period of European nationalism. This may be partly
due to the fact that in the eighteenth century, a time when most
European nations were experiencing an upsurge in nationalist thought,
and many nations were being formed from individual kingdoms 17,
Scotland had just seceded her independence by entering into political
union with England (1707). This led to Scotland's change from a
‘nation-state' to a ‘stateless nation', yet she retained
many solely Scottish state institutions, including the Church of
Scotland, the banks, the legal system and the education system.
This dissertation, however, will not be overly concerned with the
historical events of Scotland, rather, it will concentrate on the
present, although a basic understanding of Scottish history is advantageous
to understanding the present state of Scottish identity 18.
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References: (see the full
references & endnotes and bibliography)
4. A.D. Smith, 1991, National Identity, Penguin,
London, p vii.
5. Ibid, p14.
6. T. Nairn, 1977, The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis
and Neo-Nationalism, New Left Books, London, p106.
7. B. Anderson (1991, Imagined Communities, 2nd
edition, Verso, London) argues that nations are in fact ‘imagined',
and other theorists stress the importance of myth and shared history,
such as Kedourie and Gellner (below).
8. E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger (eds), 1983, The
Invention of Tradition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
9. S. Ashman, Their history - and ours, in Socialist
Worker newspaper, 10 October 1992.
10. B. Goodwin, 1992, Using Political Ideas, 3rd
edition, John Wiley, Chichester, p201.
11. Smith, National Identity, op cit, p74.
12. E. Kedourie, 1966, Nationalism, 3rd edition,
Hutchinson, London, p74.
13. Goodwin, Using Political Ideas, op cit, p206.
14. E. Gellner, 1983, Nations and Nationalism,
Cornell University Press, Ithaca, p44.
15. Nairn, The Break-Up of Britain, op cit, p105.
16. H. MacDiarmid, 1968, Scotland, in O.D. Edwards,
G. Evans, I. Rhys & H. MacDiarmid, Celtic Nationalism, Routledge,
London, p310.
17. Such as Germany, Italy and Austria-Hungary.
18. Accessible accounts of Scottish history are
available in A. Fisher, 1990, A Traveller's History of Scotland,
Howard House, London; and in Sir R. Coupland, 1954, Welsh and Scottish
Nationalism, Collins, London, particularly chapters 3, 6 & 9.
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