Religion
There are two main sources for the religious
conflict within urban Scotland. The first is the large extent of
Irish immigration, particularly in Glasgow, which has given rise
to a large Catholic community (three-quarters of Scotland's Catholics
live in or around Glasgow 24).
The second stems from the different character of the Reformation
in Scotland, and the adherence to Calvinism. Whilst the first factor
is purely an Urban phenomenon, the second may be extended to rural
Scotland. However, it is the effect of religion on urban identity
that I am concerned with here. The American historian Wallace Notestein
felt that religion is the most important factor in explaining Scottish
character 25. Presbyterianism
(the Scottish protestant tradition) is fiercely opposed to the beliefs
of the Catholic Church, and this conflict has resulted in a sectarian
policy of separate schools for Catholics and Protestants in urban
areas. Separate schooling has led to separate histories, and although
this has been somewhat eradicated by moves towards a national curriculum,
Scotland's divided education system has contributed to the lasting
Protestant-Catholic conflict.
The original reason behind the regal union at the
start of the seventeenth century was to ensure Protestant ascendency
to the Crown, both north and south of the border 26.
It is ironic then, given the rise of political nationalism in Scotland
in the twentieth century, that Scottish Catholics have been wary
of independence lest it lead to a biased Protestant state 27,
and it is even more ironic when considering this is the reverse
of the situation in Northern Ireland, where the Protestants fear
state-Catholicism. Institutional Presbyterianism already exists
in Scotland, not only with this perception of the SNP (which actually
has a significant Catholic membership, and also promises freedom
of religion 28), but also
in newspapers such as the Sunday Post 29
and the Scottish Daily Express 30.
The establishment in Scotland has long been Protestant, even to
the extent that the Church of Scotland has been accused of ‘attempting
to be a spokesman for Scottish national opinion' 31,
and Tom Nairn once suggested that ‘Scotland would only be
free when the last Presbyterian minister was strangled with the
last Sunday Post' 32. Protestants
and Catholics do live in relative harmony in urban Scotland and,
unlike Northern Ireland, not only live next door to each other,
but often work and socialise together. Despite the existence of
the religion-oriented gangs of the 1930s-60s, it must be stated
clearly that any religious violence in urban Scotland has never
escalated to the levels of that in Northern Ireland.
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References: (see the full
references & endnotes and bibliography)
24. J.G. Kellas, 1968, Modern Scotland: The Nation
since 1870, Pall Mall, London, p71.
25. see C. Harvie, 1994, Scotland and Nationalism:
Scottish Society and Politics, 1707-1994, Routledge, London.
26. K.M. Brown, 1992, Kingdom or Province? Scotland
and the Regal Union, 1603-1715, MacMillan, Basingstoke, pp73-79.
27. R. Boyle, 1994, ‘We are Celtic supporters...':
Questions of football and identity in modern Scotland, in R. Giulianotti
(ed), Game Without Frontiers, Ashgate, Aldershot, p90.
28. ‘... the free profession and practice
of religion must be guaranteed to every citizen', Statement of Aim
and Policy of the Scottish National Party, 1946, Appendix in H.
Hanham, 1969, Scottish Nationalism, Harvard University Press, Cambridge
Mass, pp215-216.
29. G. Walker & T. Gallagher (eds), 1990, Sermons
and Battle Hymns: Protestant Popular Culture in Modern Scotland,
Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, p2 & p5.
30. Ibid, chapter 10.
31. Kellas, Modern Scotland, op cit, p71.
32. Quoted in A. Marr, 1992, The Battle For Scotland,
Penguin, London, p217.
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