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The
importance of football in urban Scotland.
Rangers and Celtic will probably never
just be football teams, but in Scotland football will never just
be a game. 33
One aspect of life in Scotland that has witnessed
a notable amount of sectarian violence is football, particularly
related to the Glasgow teams Celtic and Rangers. Glasgow Rangers
were formed by Protestant Highlanders in 1873, Celtic later formed
in 1888 by a group of Irish Catholic immigrants. Rangers play in
the blue, white and red of the Union Jack; Celtic in the green and
white of the Irish flag. Rangers' supporters often sing during matches
about Protestant victories in Irish history and in Glasgow gang-battles
34; Celtic's sing ‘rebel
songs' celebrating Irish independence. In addition to this, until
1989 Rangers operated a very public ‘no-Catholic' policy with
players 35. Large-scale violence
between the two sets of supporters dates back as far as a riot in
1909 36, and continues to
the present day. Again, the severity of sectarian football hooliganism
in Scotland has never escalated to the grenade-throwing level experienced
in Belfast 37, although it
is still an unpleasant manifestation of the conflicting identities
within urban Scotland.
On an international level the Scotland team
has often provided a channel for nationalist sentiment, and is a
considered a source of national pride. It is even seen as a concrete
example of Scotland's nationhood,
it's [the team's] fortunes are anxiously
followed by Scots of all classes, religions, regions, ages and
sexes. Football matches between Scotland and England are said
to be a contemporary ritual reenactment of the great Battle of
Bannockburn in 1314. 38
One could therefore be forgiven for thinking
that, in the face of all this internal division, at least Scotland's
national team enjoyed a wide, unified base of support. This was
proved otherwise in Raymond Boyle's empirical study of Celtic supporters,
many of whom expressed an affinity with Eire's football team rather
than Scotland's, mainly due to a perceived bias in the non-selection
of Celtic players for the national team 39.
Interestingly, this leads to examples of dual-nationalism,
I'm Scottish, I'm thinking about it in
two senses. If I go abroad and meet someone, they'll ask me where
I'm from, and I'll say ‘Scotland' and I'm Scottish cos that's
where I've been born and brought up, but there is always in your
mind that most of your characteristics are portrayed through the
Irish way of feeling, you've got that. 40
Boyle's survey revealed that 43% of those
interviewed share this view, and it is most prevalent amongst under-25s
41. This apparent identification
with another, distinctly non-Scottish identity provides yet another
source of conflict within urban Scotland. This survey was taken
at a time when Irish football had gained worldwide fame following
a successful World Cup performance, and certainly the enthusiastic
reaction of Celtic fans at recent Scotland matches (particularly
those played at Celtic Park), coupled with the large number of Celtic
players involved, seem to suggest that the Scottish national team,
with its strong badge of identity, is now proving to be a source
of unity amongst all Scottish football fans, both urban and rural,
and Protestant and Catholic.
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References: (see the full
references & endnotes and bibliography)
33. G. Walker, ‘There's not a team like
the Glasgow Rangers': football and religious identity in Scotland,
in Walker & Gallagher, Sermons and Battle Hymns, op cit, p156.
34. Boyle, We are Celtic supporters, op cit, p84;
and Spring, Phantom Village, op cit, p89.
35. Walker, ‘There's not a team like the
Glasgow Rangers', op cit.
36. C. Nawart & S. Hutchings, 1995, The Sunday
Times Illustrated History of Football, Hamlyn, London, p22.
37. At a Glenavon v. Cliftonville match in 1991,
see L. Allison, 1993, The Changing Politics of Sport, Manchester
University Press, Manchester.
38. M.J. Esman, 1975, Scottish Nationalism, North
Sea Oil and the British Response, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh.
39. Boyle, We are Celtic supporters, op cit, pp87-89.
40. Bill, 20, interviewed in Boyle, ibid, p86.
41. Ibid, p86.
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