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          Rural 
              Scottish identity 
             If to speak of a coherent ‘urban' identity 
              within Scotland is problematic, then to try and portray a consistent 
              ‘rural' identity is impossible. Rural Scotland is dissected 
              by the conurbations of the Forth-Clyde rift valley, with the Lowlands 
              being entirely separated from the Highlands. This separation has 
              been manifested in numerous historical episodes where Lowlanders 
              have assisted with English forces in oppressing the Highlanders, 
              most infamously at Culloden (1746), and in the Clearances that followed. 
              Another historical division within rural Scotland is clan differences, 
              illustrated most clearly by the Glencoe massacare of 1692 where 
              the Campbells slaughtered the MacDonalds, and bad feeling stemming 
              from this incident is still present to this day.   
            The image of Scotland most often presented to the 
              world by the media 42, and 
              even by the Scottish Tourist Board 43, 
              is that of rural Highland scenery and culture, even though this 
              entirely disproportionate when one considers the population of the 
              region compared to that of the cities. These processes have attracted 
              the labels of ‘tartanry' and ‘kailyard', described as 
              ‘regressive discourses' 44, 
              and rely very heavily on tradition and myth, which I shall examine 
              in more detail below. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that the hegemonic 
              process of tartanry has helped elevate the rural identity of the 
              Highlands to the status of a cultural norm recognisable by a majority 
              of people, both inside and outside Scotland 45. 
              However, even a coherent Highland identity is difficult to agree 
              on. The Western Highlands and Isles owe their heritage to the Gaelic 
              speaking Irish settlers, whereas the more northern areas, particularly 
              the Orkney and Shetland Islands, consider themselves of Norse descent. 
              Indeed the sentiments towards ‘Viking' separatism are so great 
              that the SNP considered a contingency plan for self-determination 
              for Shetland 46. 
            Historical Highland antagonism towards the Lowlands 
              often extends to the cities, for despite the large concentration 
              of Highland settlers, the cities are viewed as Lowland in attitude. 
              The tension between the Gaelic Highlands and the English speaking 
              Lowlands is a historical one rooted in territorial differences, 
              and prejudices are still apparent, manifested in urban humour reminiscent 
              of the anti-Irish jokes common in England 47. 
              Not all Highland emigrants remained within Scotland, and many settled 
              in England or overseas, giving rise to a sizeable Scottish ‘diaspora' 
              population 48. This emigration 
              did not end with the cessation of the Clearances, between 1950 and 
              1975 there were over 800,000 emigrants, mainly to England 49. 
              Another destructive influence on Highland culture was the attitude 
              towards the Gaelic language, spoken by 30% of Scottish families 
              in 1707, but by 1975 this had fallen to 1.5% 50. 
              Despite this linguistic difference, along with the clear cultural 
              divide, it is possible to conceive a case for a movement supporting 
              a separate Highland ‘nation', yet there is no real call for 
              Highland separatism as such 51. 
              In stark contrast to the proud Highland clan culture, so beloved 
              by the exponents of tartanry, Lowland identity has largely been 
              shaped by either English or urban Scottish influences, as the region 
              lacks the linguistic distinctiveness of the Highlands. 
              
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            References: (see the full 
              references & endnotes and bibliography) 
            42. For example, the recent Hollywood releases 
              of Braveheart, about the life of William Wallace, and Rob Roy, both 
              of which concentrate on a romantic historical notion of rural Scottishness. 
              43. See D. McCrone, 1995, Scotland The Brand: The 
              Manufacturing of Scottish Heritage, Edinburgh University Press, 
              Edinburgh, chapter 4. 
              44. McArthur, The Dialectic of national identity, 
              op cit, p133. 
              45. Helped by the Tourist Board, particularly the 
              London Underground campaign contrasting the open spaces of the Highlands 
              with the claustrophobia of the Tube - McCrone, Scotland The Brand, 
              op cit, p79. 
              46. Esman, Scottish Nationalism, op cit, p61. 
              47. Marr, Battle for Scotland, op cit, pp28-29. 
              48. See Coupland, Welsh & Scottish Nationalism, 
              op cit, pp271-281. 
              49. Esman, Scottish Nationalism, op cit, p16. 
              50. Ibid, p4. 
            
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