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Rural
Scottish identity
If to speak of a coherent ‘urban' identity
within Scotland is problematic, then to try and portray a consistent
‘rural' identity is impossible. Rural Scotland is dissected
by the conurbations of the Forth-Clyde rift valley, with the Lowlands
being entirely separated from the Highlands. This separation has
been manifested in numerous historical episodes where Lowlanders
have assisted with English forces in oppressing the Highlanders,
most infamously at Culloden (1746), and in the Clearances that followed.
Another historical division within rural Scotland is clan differences,
illustrated most clearly by the Glencoe massacare of 1692 where
the Campbells slaughtered the MacDonalds, and bad feeling stemming
from this incident is still present to this day.
The image of Scotland most often presented to the
world by the media 42, and
even by the Scottish Tourist Board 43,
is that of rural Highland scenery and culture, even though this
entirely disproportionate when one considers the population of the
region compared to that of the cities. These processes have attracted
the labels of ‘tartanry' and ‘kailyard', described as
‘regressive discourses' 44,
and rely very heavily on tradition and myth, which I shall examine
in more detail below. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that the hegemonic
process of tartanry has helped elevate the rural identity of the
Highlands to the status of a cultural norm recognisable by a majority
of people, both inside and outside Scotland 45.
However, even a coherent Highland identity is difficult to agree
on. The Western Highlands and Isles owe their heritage to the Gaelic
speaking Irish settlers, whereas the more northern areas, particularly
the Orkney and Shetland Islands, consider themselves of Norse descent.
Indeed the sentiments towards ‘Viking' separatism are so great
that the SNP considered a contingency plan for self-determination
for Shetland 46.
Historical Highland antagonism towards the Lowlands
often extends to the cities, for despite the large concentration
of Highland settlers, the cities are viewed as Lowland in attitude.
The tension between the Gaelic Highlands and the English speaking
Lowlands is a historical one rooted in territorial differences,
and prejudices are still apparent, manifested in urban humour reminiscent
of the anti-Irish jokes common in England 47.
Not all Highland emigrants remained within Scotland, and many settled
in England or overseas, giving rise to a sizeable Scottish ‘diaspora'
population 48. This emigration
did not end with the cessation of the Clearances, between 1950 and
1975 there were over 800,000 emigrants, mainly to England 49.
Another destructive influence on Highland culture was the attitude
towards the Gaelic language, spoken by 30% of Scottish families
in 1707, but by 1975 this had fallen to 1.5% 50.
Despite this linguistic difference, along with the clear cultural
divide, it is possible to conceive a case for a movement supporting
a separate Highland ‘nation', yet there is no real call for
Highland separatism as such 51.
In stark contrast to the proud Highland clan culture, so beloved
by the exponents of tartanry, Lowland identity has largely been
shaped by either English or urban Scottish influences, as the region
lacks the linguistic distinctiveness of the Highlands.
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References: (see the full
references & endnotes and bibliography)
42. For example, the recent Hollywood releases
of Braveheart, about the life of William Wallace, and Rob Roy, both
of which concentrate on a romantic historical notion of rural Scottishness.
43. See D. McCrone, 1995, Scotland The Brand: The
Manufacturing of Scottish Heritage, Edinburgh University Press,
Edinburgh, chapter 4.
44. McArthur, The Dialectic of national identity,
op cit, p133.
45. Helped by the Tourist Board, particularly the
London Underground campaign contrasting the open spaces of the Highlands
with the claustrophobia of the Tube - McCrone, Scotland The Brand,
op cit, p79.
46. Esman, Scottish Nationalism, op cit, p61.
47. Marr, Battle for Scotland, op cit, pp28-29.
48. See Coupland, Welsh & Scottish Nationalism,
op cit, pp271-281.
49. Esman, Scottish Nationalism, op cit, p16.
50. Ibid, p4.
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